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Hong Kong must turn Greater Bay Area integration challenges into opportunities / 香港必須將粵港澳大灣區一體化的挑戰轉化為機遇
文章
2024 年 4 月 21 日
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The tireless efforts the government is making to reboot Hong Kong’s economy will be futile if the city’s leaders fail to grasp the challenge of integration within the Greater Bay Area and come up with strategies to turn the challenges into opportunities.
A framework agreement for deepening cooperation between Guangdong province, Hong Kong and Macau was signed on July 1, 2017. Almost seven years on, development in the bay area plan is bringing about profound changes to Hongkongers’ lifestyle and the economy.
Soon after the reopening of mainland China early last year, Hongkongers discovered that cities in the Greater Bay Area have made giant strides in urban planning and the service economy. As a result, they have been flocking to the bay area to spend their consumption dollars.
Between March 28 and April 8, which includes the extended Easter weekend and Ching Ming Festival, a staggering 3.6 million Hong Kong residents went north via land control points, compared to about 860,000 mainland residents who visited Hong Kong.
Other cities in the Greater Bay Area have become Hongkongers’ go-to playground in the same way that mainland residents poured into Hong Kong after the Individual Visit Scheme was launched 21 years ago.
The economic impact of this reversed travel pattern being felt across the Greater Bay Area. Last year, Shenzhen authorities announced that “social consumption and retail spending” rose by 7.8 per cent while its gross domestic product (GDP) grew by 6 per cent, exceeding Hong Kong’s and other first-tier cities on the mainland.
In comparison, tourist arrivals from the mainland that have failed to reach pre-pandemic levels, plus weaker spending, as well as the “leakage” of our consumption dollars to the mainland, means our economic recovery crawled to an anaemic 3.2 per cent last year, from a low base in 2022.
In comparison, tourist arrivals from the mainland that have failed to reach pre-pandemic levels, plus weaker spending, as well as the “leakage” of our consumption dollars to the mainland, means our economic recovery crawled to an anaemic 3.2 per cent last year, from a low base in 2022.
The northbound trend is set to increase as more convenient transport links with the mainland develop as part of the Northern Metropolis project, an ambitious plan to develop Hong Kong’s northern districts into a technology hub that will accommodate 2.5 million people. As that happens, more Hongkongers may well choose to live on the mainland, and commute daily to work in Hong Kong, or simply work in other mainland cities.
A fundamental problem with Greater Bay Area development is that it is far from being a single market, even though integration is one of the objectives of the 2017 framework agreement.
Under the “one country, two systems” arrangement, there is no free movement of people, goods, services and data between the mainland and Hong Kong. As separate custom and immigration areas, both sides have instituted controls that make market integration a slow and difficult process.
In the short term, Hong Kong needs to overcome the asymmetry of movement and spending by urging the central authorities to allow residents of more remote mainland cities to visit, as well as approve multiple-visit permits and increase the duty-free allowance for mainland residents returning from Hong Kong.
In the long term, the government must develop a strategy for mainland cities and Hong Kong to complement each other. Officials must work out how to make use of the abundant resources mainland cities have to offer to remedy our shortages.
As more Hongkongers choose to live in nearby mainland cities, why can’t we build our residential care homes in those cities? Cross-border transport is now far more convenient. After all, our residential care homes depend heavily on the import of workers from Guangdong and Guangxi.
Instead of spending billions to reclaim a small area of land, why don’t we buy good-quality housing that’s readily available in nearby mainland cities, to provide more options for those who live in the northern districts? Now is a good time to buy on the cheap.
We should also take more vigorous measures to phase out hindrances for mainland professionals to work in Hong Kong, bring in more talent and import more mainland labour.
Only by leveraging the mainland’s resources, and combining our strengths with theirs, can we turn the process of Greater Bay Area integration into a win-win formula. The government ought to remould Hong Kong into a metropolis like London or New York, with some of its population dispersing into nearby suburbs.
The Hong Kong diaspora on the mainland will make Hong Kong more influential while relieving the pressure of the cost of living in this city. The government needs to think outside the box and move fast.
如果特區政府未能抓住粵港澳大灣區一體化的機遇制定相關策略，即使政府不斷為重振香港經濟而作出努力，將會是徒勞的。
2017年7月1日，廣東省、香港和澳門簽署了深化合作框架協議。快將七年過去，粵港澳大灣區規劃帶來深遠影響，不僅改變了香港人的生活方式，也改變了經濟環境。
去年年初內地開關不久，香港人就發現粵港澳大灣區內城市，無論在城市規劃和服務業方面已迅速進展。結果，香港人踴往大灣區消費了。
今年3月28日至4月8日期間，包括復活節及清明節長假期周末，有多達360萬香港居民通過陸路口岸北上，來香港的內地居民約有86萬人。
這充分反映香港人越來越喜歡離港到鄰近城市消費購物，享受當地便利的生活設施。香港或已無法滿足消費需求，內地城市的競爭力正不斷增強，吸引香港市民。
特區政府和企業如果不想失去這批消費客源，就必須積極參與和引導粵港澳一體化，做好產業對接，協同發展香港與內地市場。
其他粵港澳大灣區城市已經成為香港人新的休閑場所，就像21年前開放個人遊後內地居民湧進香港一樣。
這種反向旅遊模式帶來的經濟影響正蔓延整個大灣區。去年，深圳官方表示“社會消費和零售開支”增長7.8%，GDP增長6%，超過了香港及其他一線內地城市。
相比之下，來港旅遊人數未能恢復疫情前水平，消費力也較弱，加上香港消費流向內地「漏走」，導致我們的經濟復蘇僅從2022年低位爬升到去年的3.2%。如果香港不想失去這批消費客，必須主動參與大灣區一體化，與內地城市合作開拓市場，推動相關產業發展。否則經濟難實現真正復蘇。
餐館與商店的關閉迫使政府發起「香港夜繽紛」活動來刺激本地消費。但這一下滑趨勢很可能會持續，除非香港餐飲與零售服務能達到粵港澳大灣區的質量標准。
如果將所有責任歸咎於我們的服務供應商，值得說的是宏觀經濟力量在這個下滑趨勢中也起到很大作用。香港幣與美元掛鉤，使香港物價對日本、韓國和內地旅客來說極為昂貴。
我們需要借此機會，檢討自身的服務水平與競爭力，並主動學習粵港澳區域內其他城市在人才培訓、科技應用等領域的優良經驗，跟上時代步伐。只有這樣，香港的旅遊業和經濟才有望持續健康發展。
鑒於港幣實力強勁，香港理應貶值。但薪資水平受勞工短缺影響較通貨膨脹更甚的「粘滯性」，使香港很難實現通縮。盡管商業房租有所下降，但香港高薪和房地產成本使其在價格上競爭力近乎無限。
隨著北部都會區計劃落實，香港北區極其宜居的交通網絡將日益完善，這一規劃將該地區打造成可容納250萬人的科技中心。這使更多香港人可能選擇定居內地，每日通勤至港工作，或直接在內地其他城市工作。北上的趨勢將進一步增強。
粵港澳大灣區發展的一個核心問題是，一體化是2017框架協議的目標之一，但區域內市場分化仍很明顯，遠未真正形成單一市場。
根據「一國兩制」，內地與香港在人員、貨物、服務和數據並沒有自由流動。作為單獨的海關和出入境管理區，雙方設立了管理，使市場一體化變成緩慢艱難的過程。
短期來看，香港需要解決來往和消費不對等問題。這可以建議中央允許更多內地較遙遠城市的居民來港，批出更多「一簽多行」通行證，提高港人赴內消費免稅額度。
長遠來看，政府必須制定內地城市與香港互補發展的戰略，官員應研究如何充分利用內地城市豐富資源彌補香港短板。只有內地與香港在人員、貨物與資金流通等各個層面進行全面聯通，粵港澳大灣區市場一體化才能真正實現，使香港經濟獲得更大活力。
隨著香港人選擇定居鄰近內地城市人數增多，我們為什麼不可以在那些城市建設養老院？跨境交通比以往方便得多，而養老院目前已高度依賴從廣東和廣西輸入護理員。
相比花費數千億進行小範圍的填海造地，不如利用鄰近內地城市豐富的高質量房產資源，提供更多選擇給居住在北區的人，現在正是內地房價低廉的好機會。如此一來不僅可以最大限度優化資源配置，還可以緊密結合大灣區內人才與服務資源。離港的年長香港人也可以享受更優質的安老環境，政府值得重視這個可行性高的優化方案。
我們也應采取更積極的措施，逐步消除內地專業人士來港工作的障礙，吸引更多人才，增加從內地輸入勞工。
唯有利用內地資源，結合我們各自的優勢，才能將粵港澳大灣區一體化進程變成雙贏的局面。政府應該把香港打造成類似倫敦或紐約這樣的都會，部分人口分布在周邊郊區。內地的香港人口會使香港的影響力更大，同時緩解生活成本在本地的壓力，政府需要脫離舊式思維，迅速行動。
如果及早把握大灣區機遇，香港定能在新的發展格局中繼續發揮重要作用。
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根據2021年的人口普查，全港約有215,700人居住在劏房中，他們的人均居住面積僅有64.6平方呎，遠低於全港平均的193.8平方呎。這種狹窄的居住環境不僅影響居民的日常生活質量，還衍生一系列社會問題。為了緩解這種困境，特區政府與社會各界合作推出「社區客廳試行計劃」，旨在為劏房居民提供共享的社交與生活空間，從而改善他們的生活質素。該計劃的首個試點項目位於深水埗福華街188號，預計在三年內服務至少500戶劏房家庭，每年大約服務80,000人次，總撥款額為2675萬港元。初步試點已獲得積極反饋，反映「社區客廳」模式具可擴展的潛力。
若要持續發揮更大價值，我們需要不斷探索新思路，例如引入科技和更有效的資源管理，把「社區客廳」的潛力轉化為持續解決方案的一部分；進階策略應包括優化服務提供範圍，根據居民需求提供更加個性化的服務等等。
根據最新的普查，香港有超過107,371戶劏房。如果參考首個「社區客廳」項目的目標及撥款推算，全港需要約200個「社區客廳」來覆蓋所有劏房戶，整體預算將達三年期約57億港元。因此，提升項目的可擴展性和成本效益是實現長期可持續發展的關鍵。
舉例說，目前「社區客廳」的服務時間受到辦公時間的限制，可以引入預約平台解決方案，使用者在不同時間都能預約和使用「社區客廳」的各種服務，從而擴大服務的可及性和時間彈性。我們亦可通過數據分析工具分析用戶行為，優化服務供應和設施管理。這些措施可讓「社區客廳」更加靈活地運作，適應社區居民的生活節奏和需求，確保社區基礎設施投資的社會價值得到最大化。
雖然「社區客廳試行計劃」獲得正面反饋，在提升劏房居民生活質素方面取得初步成效，但這始終不是解決劏房問題的長遠方案，特區政府需要以新思維尋找新路徑，從根本上解決香港的長期住房問題。
自中美兩國於1979年建立外交關係，兩國之間的學術交流合作愈趨頻繁。過往10年，前往美國就學的中國留學生數目由2011/12學年約20萬急升至2019/20學年約37萬；而前往中國留學的美國學生數目高峰時亦有約1.5萬。
但隨着在特朗普2016年上台，美國的對華立場出現重大改變，中美關係轉趨緊張。特朗普在任期間，以保護美國學界的研究成果為由，推出一系列政策窒礙中美學界的正常交流，包括限制「與軍方有聯繫」的研究生及訪問學者入境；要求辦學機構公開與孔子學院或孔子課堂的任何合約、合作關係或資金往來。單是2020年的幾個月內，美方就撤銷了約1000個中國公民的簽證。
特朗普下台後，拜登政府延續強硬的對華政策，繼續維持對中國留學生及訪問學者的入境限制。《華盛頓郵報》上月一篇報道指出，近年有不少中國留學生在入境美國時遇到非常嚴厲的審查。有不少學生指出，美方管制人員輕則會盤問他們、搜查他們的隨身物品，重則會拘留他們，甚至把他們即時驅逐出境。美國學術界受政治壓力驅使，主動減少與中國學界的聯繫。多所美國大學主動終止在內地的課程計劃，或將計劃改在台灣舉辦，所有受當地政府資助的孔子學院亦縮減了中國語文課程的規模。
美方各種不友善舉措大大打擊中國留學生前往深造的意欲。美國國務院轄下教育及文化事務局（Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs）的數據顯示，中國留學生的數目已由2019/20學年高峰的372,532跌至2022/23學年的289,526；而2021/22學年前往中國的美國留學生更只剩下211人！
長遠而言，中美學術交流的斷絕會進一步窒礙兩國的正常交流，對雙方都是弊多於利。下期將展開詳述。
Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the United States in 1979, academic exchanges and cooperation between the two countries have become increasingly frequent. In the past decade, the number of Chinese students studying in the United States increased sharply from about 200,000 in the 2011/12 academic year to about 370,000 in the 2019/20 academic year; while the peak number of American students studying in China was also around 15,000.
However, with the significant change in the US's policy toward China since Trump took office in 2016, relations between China and the US have become more strained. During Trump's term, under the pretext of protecting US academic achievements, a series of policies were introduced to hamper normal exchanges between Chinese and American academia, including restrictions on graduate students and visiting scholars related to the military from entering the country; requiring educational institutions to publicly disclose any contracts, cooperative relationships or financial dealings with Confucius Institutes or Confucius Classrooms. Just in 2020, the US revoked visas of about 1,000 Chinese citizens.
After Trump left office, the Biden administration continued the hardline policy toward China and maintained restrictions on Chinese international students and visiting scholars entering the country. A Washington Post report last month pointed out that in recent years, many Chinese students have encountered very strict inspections when entering the US. Many students said US immigration officials would interrogate them, search their personal belongings, detain them, or even deport them immediately. Under political pressure, the US academic circle proactively reduced contacts with Chinese academia. Many US universities unilaterally terminated courses in China or moved programs to Taiwan. All Confucius Institutes subsidized by the local government also downsized Chinese language courses.
The unfriendly moves by the US greatly dampened Chinese students' willingness to pursue advanced studies abroad. Data from the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs under the US State Department shows that the number of Chinese students has dropped from a peak of 372,532 in the 2019/20 academic year to 289,526 in the 2022/23 academic year; while in the 2021/22 academic year, there were only 211 American students studying in China!
In the long run, the severing of academic exchanges between China and the US will further hinder normal communication between the two countries, which is detrimental to both sides. More details will be discussed in the next issue.
馬鞍山、十四鄉、樟木頭一帶的房屋發展項目將於未來數年陸續分階段落成，運輸及物流局建議興建T4號主幹道，並已於2021年11月刊憲，以解決未來交通基建超出負荷的問題，同時舒緩現時沙田區交通擠塞的情況。T4號主幹道是一條長約2.3公里的雙程雙線主幹道，建議連接沙田路及城門隧道公路／青沙公路，疏通大埔公路的沙田段及沙田區內的擠塞問題，預期行車時間可由現時的20分鐘縮短至12分鐘。此外，今次工程除了興建主幹道及支路，亦包括擴闊道路、興建高架行人路暨單車徑、興建隔音屏等相關附屬工程。
運輸及物流局原訂在2024年3月22日向立法會財委會就着T4幹道申請撥款，惟局方洞悉撥款申請爭議甚大，後來撤回申請。然而，T4主幹道工程是早於2005年提出，惟受到主要持份者（包括該區居民）的激烈反對，於是沙田區議會於2007年通過動議將計劃擱置。今天，興建T4主幹道方案爭議仍然不斷。目前在坊間及立法會也有聲音質疑現時方案造價約71億元較2005年的舊方案造價約11億元大增超過5倍。此外，亦有人認為以沙田繞道或擴闊大老山公路T6橋取代興建T4公路，將可減低成本開支。
目前沙田及馬鞍山的交通擠塞問題嚴重，並有惡化趨勢。根據運流局資料顯示，從成本效益角度來看，「興建T4幹道及附帶工程後，出行時間將減省百分之四十。從計及馬鞍山及沙田目前和將來新增人口數目，行車時間或將每日節省約1萬5千人次小時，每年總計節省約5億元」。局方又指倘若項目再拖延10年，社會成本將高達50億元。
雖然我認同方案有急切需要及能為當區居民舒困，惟局方現時向立法會提交的文件對興建T4幹道的效益解說不夠清晰。我在4月18日立法會財務委員會運輸及物流特別會議上向局方提問時指出，當局應積極解答「T4幹道及大埔公路的沙田段擴寛工程做好後，將為市民帶來多大程度上的改善？」我明白T4幹道會改善該區的交通擠塞問題，但幹道是使用公帑興建，特區政府應加強宣傳、引用數據，清晰解說工程效益。
The tireless efforts the government is making to reboot Hong Kong’s economy will be futile if the city’s leaders fail to grasp the challenge of integration within the Greater Bay Area and come up with strategies to turn the challenges into opportunities.
A framework agreement for deepening cooperation between Guangdong province, Hong Kong and Macau was signed on July 1, 2017. Almost seven years on, development in the bay area plan is bringing about profound changes to Hongkongers’ lifestyle and the economy.
Soon after the reopening of mainland China early last year, Hongkongers discovered that cities in the Greater Bay Area have made giant strides in urban planning and the service economy. As a result, they have been flocking to the bay area to spend their consumption dollars.
Between March 28 and April 8, which includes the extended Easter weekend and Ching Ming Festival, a staggering 3.6 million Hong Kong residents went north via land control points, compared to about 860,000 mainland residents who visited Hong Kong.
Other cities in the Greater Bay Area have become Hongkongers’ go-to playground in the same way that mainland residents poured into Hong Kong after the Individual Visit Scheme was launched 21 years ago.
The economic impact of this reversed travel pattern being felt across the Greater Bay Area. Last year, Shenzhen authorities announced that “social consumption and retail spending” rose by 7.8 per cent while its gross domestic product (GDP) grew by 6 per cent, exceeding Hong Kong’s and other first-tier cities on the mainland.
In comparison, tourist arrivals from the mainland that have failed to reach pre-pandemic levels, plus weaker spending, as well as the “leakage” of our consumption dollars to the mainland, means our economic recovery crawled to an anaemic 3.2 per cent last year, from a low base in 2022.
In comparison, tourist arrivals from the mainland that have failed to reach pre-pandemic levels, plus weaker spending, as well as the “leakage” of our consumption dollars to the mainland, means our economic recovery crawled to an anaemic 3.2 per cent last year, from a low base in 2022.
The northbound trend is set to increase as more convenient transport links with the mainland develop as part of the Northern Metropolis project, an ambitious plan to develop Hong Kong’s northern districts into a technology hub that will accommodate 2.5 million people. As that happens, more Hongkongers may well choose to live on the mainland, and commute daily to work in Hong Kong, or simply work in other mainland cities.
A fundamental problem with Greater Bay Area development is that it is far from being a single market, even though integration is one of the objectives of the 2017 framework agreement.
Under the “one country, two systems” arrangement, there is no free movement of people, goods, services and data between the mainland and Hong Kong. As separate custom and immigration areas, both sides have instituted controls that make market integration a slow and difficult process.
In the short term, Hong Kong needs to overcome the asymmetry of movement and spending by urging the central authorities to allow residents of more remote mainland cities to visit, as well as approve multiple-visit permits and increase the duty-free allowance for mainland residents returning from Hong Kong.
In the long term, the government must develop a strategy for mainland cities and Hong Kong to complement each other. Officials must work out how to make use of the abundant resources mainland cities have to offer to remedy our shortages.
As more Hongkongers choose to live in nearby mainland cities, why can’t we build our residential care homes in those cities? Cross-border transport is now far more convenient. After all, our residential care homes depend heavily on the import of workers from Guangdong and Guangxi.
Instead of spending billions to reclaim a small area of land, why don’t we buy good-quality housing that’s readily available in nearby mainland cities, to provide more options for those who live in the northern districts? Now is a good time to buy on the cheap.
We should also take more vigorous measures to phase out hindrances for mainland professionals to work in Hong Kong, bring in more talent and import more mainland labour.
Only by leveraging the mainland’s resources, and combining our strengths with theirs, can we turn the process of Greater Bay Area integration into a win-win formula. The government ought to remould Hong Kong into a metropolis like London or New York, with some of its population dispersing into nearby suburbs.
The Hong Kong diaspora on the mainland will make Hong Kong more influential while relieving the pressure of the cost of living in this city. The government needs to think outside the box and move fast.
如果特區政府未能抓住粵港澳大灣區一體化的機遇制定相關策略，即使政府不斷為重振香港經濟而作出努力，將會是徒勞的。
2017年7月1日，廣東省、香港和澳門簽署了深化合作框架協議。快將七年過去，粵港澳大灣區規劃帶來深遠影響，不僅改變了香港人的生活方式，也改變了經濟環境。
去年年初內地開關不久，香港人就發現粵港澳大灣區內城市，無論在城市規劃和服務業方面已迅速進展。結果，香港人踴往大灣區消費了。
今年3月28日至4月8日期間，包括復活節及清明節長假期周末，有多達360萬香港居民通過陸路口岸北上，來香港的內地居民約有86萬人。
這充分反映香港人越來越喜歡離港到鄰近城市消費購物，享受當地便利的生活設施。香港或已無法滿足消費需求，內地城市的競爭力正不斷增強，吸引香港市民。
特區政府和企業如果不想失去這批消費客源，就必須積極參與和引導粵港澳一體化，做好產業對接，協同發展香港與內地市場。
其他粵港澳大灣區城市已經成為香港人新的休閑場所，就像21年前開放個人遊後內地居民湧進香港一樣。
這種反向旅遊模式帶來的經濟影響正蔓延整個大灣區。去年，深圳官方表示“社會消費和零售開支”增長7.8%，GDP增長6%，超過了香港及其他一線內地城市。
相比之下，來港旅遊人數未能恢復疫情前水平，消費力也較弱，加上香港消費流向內地「漏走」，導致我們的經濟復蘇僅從2022年低位爬升到去年的3.2%。如果香港不想失去這批消費客，必須主動參與大灣區一體化，與內地城市合作開拓市場，推動相關產業發展。否則經濟難實現真正復蘇。
餐館與商店的關閉迫使政府發起「香港夜繽紛」活動來刺激本地消費。但這一下滑趨勢很可能會持續，除非香港餐飲與零售服務能達到粵港澳大灣區的質量標准。
如果將所有責任歸咎於我們的服務供應商，值得說的是宏觀經濟力量在這個下滑趨勢中也起到很大作用。香港幣與美元掛鉤，使香港物價對日本、韓國和內地旅客來說極為昂貴。
我們需要借此機會，檢討自身的服務水平與競爭力，並主動學習粵港澳區域內其他城市在人才培訓、科技應用等領域的優良經驗，跟上時代步伐。只有這樣，香港的旅遊業和經濟才有望持續健康發展。
鑒於港幣實力強勁，香港理應貶值。但薪資水平受勞工短缺影響較通貨膨脹更甚的「粘滯性」，使香港很難實現通縮。盡管商業房租有所下降，但香港高薪和房地產成本使其在價格上競爭力近乎無限。
隨著北部都會區計劃落實，香港北區極其宜居的交通網絡將日益完善，這一規劃將該地區打造成可容納250萬人的科技中心。這使更多香港人可能選擇定居內地，每日通勤至港工作，或直接在內地其他城市工作。北上的趨勢將進一步增強。
粵港澳大灣區發展的一個核心問題是，一體化是2017框架協議的目標之一，但區域內市場分化仍很明顯，遠未真正形成單一市場。
根據「一國兩制」，內地與香港在人員、貨物、服務和數據並沒有自由流動。作為單獨的海關和出入境管理區，雙方設立了管理，使市場一體化變成緩慢艱難的過程。
短期來看，香港需要解決來往和消費不對等問題。這可以建議中央允許更多內地較遙遠城市的居民來港，批出更多「一簽多行」通行證，提高港人赴內消費免稅額度。
長遠來看，政府必須制定內地城市與香港互補發展的戰略，官員應研究如何充分利用內地城市豐富資源彌補香港短板。只有內地與香港在人員、貨物與資金流通等各個層面進行全面聯通，粵港澳大灣區市場一體化才能真正實現，使香港經濟獲得更大活力。
隨著香港人選擇定居鄰近內地城市人數增多，我們為什麼不可以在那些城市建設養老院？跨境交通比以往方便得多，而養老院目前已高度依賴從廣東和廣西輸入護理員。
相比花費數千億進行小範圍的填海造地，不如利用鄰近內地城市豐富的高質量房產資源，提供更多選擇給居住在北區的人，現在正是內地房價低廉的好機會。如此一來不僅可以最大限度優化資源配置，還可以緊密結合大灣區內人才與服務資源。離港的年長香港人也可以享受更優質的安老環境，政府值得重視這個可行性高的優化方案。
我們也應采取更積極的措施，逐步消除內地專業人士來港工作的障礙，吸引更多人才，增加從內地輸入勞工。
唯有利用內地資源，結合我們各自的優勢，才能將粵港澳大灣區一體化進程變成雙贏的局面。政府應該把香港打造成類似倫敦或紐約這樣的都會，部分人口分布在周邊郊區。內地的香港人口會使香港的影響力更大，同時緩解生活成本在本地的壓力，政府需要脫離舊式思維，迅速行動。
如果及早把握大灣區機遇，香港定能在新的發展格局中繼續發揮重要作用。
自《維護國家安全條例》於3月19日獲立法會全票通過後，社會上不少人士都關注美國政府會否採取大規模制裁措施，制裁有關官員及議員。
就目前情况而言，美國當局的反應遠較想像中克制。除國務卿布林肯於3月22日發表聲明，對香港的高度自治、民主體制和自由權利表示關注外，華府僅宣布對數名港府官員實施簽證限制，措施力度遠輕於美國2020年就《香港國安法》實施後的制裁。
全國人大常委會2020年6月30日通過《香港國安法》後，美國迅速於7月14日通過《香港自治法》授權美國聯邦政府廣泛制裁實施《香港國安法》的中華人民共和國與香港特別行政區政府官員。時任總統特朗普即時簽署行政命令，引述包括《香港人權與民主法》及《香港自治法》在內的多項法例，宣布制裁多名中央及港府官員。
我認為，華府是次應對如此克制的主要原因是不希望再次損害暫趨穩定的中美關係。去年11月，國家主席習近平與拜登在三藩市會面時達成多項共識，包括兩軍高層恢復恆常溝通及合作加強打擊毒品販運。加上美國近日將有多名內閣級官員訪華，相信華府當局並不樂見兩國關係在此刻因香港問題再生枝節。《維護國家安全條例》是經香港本地自行立法，符合普通法程序，加上內容參考了不少西方國家的國安法例，有理有節，並不存在所謂對公民社會、媒體及異見聲音的壓抑。
最重要的是，與2019年黑暴動亂時相比，香港在美國媒體及政界的關注度已下降。由於黑暴打破了外界對香港社會和平有序的印象，因此受到國際媒體的廣泛關注及報道。受此影響，當時有不少美國國會議員都爭相走訪香港，與暴徒合照，表示支持香港的「民主運動」。但現在西方媒體對香港的報道篇幅已不及從前，《維護國家安全條例》的通過亦未在美國國內引起太大迴響。
除此以外，美國國會現時內部一片混亂，我相信國會議員此刻尚未能分神對香港採取制裁行動。
Since the passage of the National Security Law for Hong Kong by the Legislative Council with unanimous consent on March 19, many in society have been concerned about whether the US government will impose large-scale sanctions or penalties against relevant officials and legislators.
So far, the US response has been much more restrained than imagined. In addition to Secretary of State Blinken's statement on March 22 expressing concerns about Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy, democratic system and freedoms, Washington only announced visa restrictions on a few Hong Kong government officials, with measures far lighter than US sanctions after implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law in 2020.
After the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress passed the Hong Kong National Security Law on June 30, 2020, the US swiftly passed the Hong Kong Autonomy Act on July 14, authorizing wide-ranging sanctions by the US federal government against officials of the People's Republic of China and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government who implemented the Hong Kong National Security Law. Then-President Trump immediately signed an executive order citing multiple laws including the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act and the Hong Kong Autonomy Act to announce sanctions against several central and Hong Kong government officials.
I believe the key reason for Washington's restraint this time is not wanting to further damage Sino-US relations which have regained some stability. In November last year, President Xi Jinping and Biden reached multiple consensuses in San Francisco, including resumption of regular communication and cooperation between military leaders as well as strengthening joint efforts against drug trafficking. Coupled with upcoming visits to China by several senior US Cabinet officials, it's believed Washington does not welcome further complications in bilateral relations over the Hong Kong issue at this time. The National Security Law for Hong Kong was legislated locally through Hong Kong's own processes according to common law procedures, drawing on many Western countries' national security laws, with sound logic and reason and devoid of so-called suppression of civil society, media and dissenting voices.
Most importantly, Hong Kong now attracts less attention from the US media and political circles compared to the black riots in 2019. The black riots shattered the international impression of Hong Kong as a society of peace and order, receiving widespread international media coverage and reports. Influenced by this, many US Congress members at the time competed to visit Hong Kong and pose for photos with rioters expressing support for Hong Kong's "democratic movement." But now Western media coverage of Hong Kong is less than before, and the passage of the National Security Law for Hong Kong did not stir up major reverberations domestically in the US.
Additionally, the US Congress is currently in disarray, and I believe Congress members do not have the bandwidth at this time to take sanctions action against Hong Kong.
在全球數字化轉型的浪潮中，金融科技作為金融業革新進步的核心動力，正在深度重塑中國的金融格局。憑藉龐大的市場規模、雄厚的科技實力及積極的政策引導，中國表現出強勁的金融科技發展勢頭。信息官作為金融科技戰略規劃與實施的關鍵角色，其重要性日益突顯。
以中國銀行業為例，根據中國網財經統計，至2023年，包括六大國有銀行及八家全國性股份制商業銀行在內的14家銀行，其金融科技總投入達到1782.05億元人民幣，同比增長6.04%。這一數據直觀反映了金融機構對金融科技的深度重視與持續投入。信息官正是這些巨額投資背後的決策者，他們需精確把握市場趨勢、技術前沿與客戶需求，策劃符合各自機構特質的金融科技戰略，確保投入的有效性和針對性。如工商銀行在金融科技人員配置優化、科技人才培育等方面的實踐，就是在信息官指導下，以科技為推手，驅動銀行業務轉型升級的具體例證。
數據顯示，到2023年底，六大國有銀行的金融科技員工數量已增至9.49萬人，同比增長8.59%，這背後離不開信息官對人才戰略的精心佈局與高效落實。信息官不僅負責吸納與保留頂尖科技人才，更需推動建立完善的人才培養體系，保障人才梯隊的持續更新與能力提升。例如建設銀行通過啟動金融科技人才工程，篩選組建金融科技新秀人才庫，充分彰顯了信息官在人才隊伍建設上的前瞻性與執行力。
在推動業務數字化轉型與增效方面，信息官同樣發揮核心作用。金融科技以其高效、便捷、普惠的特性，已成為金融機構提升競爭力、服務實體經濟的重要工具。信息官不僅負責推動金融科技項目的實際落地，更要確保其與業務深度交融，實現最大價值。以工商銀行為例，其數字業務佔比高達99.0%，手機銀行月活用戶超過2.29億，數字勞動力工作效率超越3萬名自然人，這一切都離不開信息官對業務流程的深刻理解及科技應用的精確把控。
隨著金融科技的快速發展，監管環境亦在不斷演變，信息官還承擔應對金融科技監管挑戰的重任。4月7日，劉岩教授於清華大學金融強國論壇上指出，需要設立獨立的科技監管部門來引導與規範金融科技發展。信息官作為金融機構與監管機構之間的溝通橋樑，需精準理解和適應國內外監管要求，制訂符合規範的金融科技發展路線，確保企業在創新與合規之間取得均衡。
信息官在國家進程中扮演不可或缺的角色，在金融科技投資與戰略規劃、科技人才隊伍打造、業務數字化轉型與賦能、應對監管挑戰等多個環節發揮關鍵影響，為金融機構在數字化浪潮中搶佔先機、實現高質量發展提供了有力支撐。
最近，香港考評局「監考易」系統在本地文憑考試（DSE）中接連出現故障，引起社會廣泛關注。這款旨在簡化考試流程、提升監考效能的科技應用，在關鍵時刻卻「出事易」，不僅影響考生情緒，也對監考工作造成困擾，更揭示了香港在科技項目管理與運維中存在的問題。該事件突顯了各行業信息官在確保科技系統穩定、可靠運行，以及有效應對突發情況中的專業價值。
當前香港正處於金融科技發展的關鍵階段，無論是傳統金融機構的數字化轉型，還是新興金融科技企業的崛起，均對擁有專業素養的信息官存在迫切需求。作為國際金融中心，香港應積極借鑒國際經驗，培養一批具有結合內地與國際視野的信息官，他們不僅需熟悉最先進的信息科技與管理理念，更要深入理解金融業務，具備跨領域溝通與協作能力，能在複雜環境中敏銳識別風險，及時作出科學決策。
香港應積極推動與高等教育機構的合作，開設大灣區金融科技管理課程或信息官專業培訓項目，引進內地及國際認證體系，確保人才培養緊跟產業發展步伐。同時，鼓勵在職人員持續進修，提升其專業知識與技能，確保信息官熟知並遵守相關法律法規，提升香港金融科技的合規水平與國際認可度。信息官在工作中必須遵守嚴格的法規要求，尤其是在國家安全、數據安全、隱私保護與合規運營等各方面。
通過多方面的共同努力，香港其實是有望打造出一支兼具國際視野、精通金融科技、擅長應對複雜挑戰的信息官隊伍，為香港金融業的創新發展提供堅實的人才支持，使香港在背靠中國巨大市場的基礎上，面向全球，積極推進金融科技領域的創新與應用，進一步鞏固和提升其作為國際金融中心的地位。
近年來，隨着內地資訊科技行業發展步伐加快，美國為首的西方國家開始臆想中國會利用網絡平台進行情報收集活動。由字節跳動公司創辦並營運的 TikTok 就被美國政府指控，向中國政府提供用戶的個人信息，危害美國的國家安全。
TikTok在美國深受年輕一代的歡迎。在2017 年5 月進入海外市場後，僅以1年5 個月的時間就成為美國月度下載量及安裝量最高的手機應用程式。然而，公司業務擴張的驚人速度引來了美國政府的猜忌。
2019 年末，美國海軍以TikTok 應用構成網路安全威脅為由，禁止在政府的行動裝置上使用TikTok；美國陸軍則在2020 年初加入抵制TikTok 的行列。當時，特朗普政府曾嘗試透過行政命令，全面封殺TikTok，奈何有關命令最終被法院推翻。
近日，美國眾議院通過一項法案要求字節跳動公司在6 個月內剝離旗下短片分享平台TikTok，否則將在全國範圍內禁用TikTok。總統拜登已表明，假若法案獲兩院通過，他會簽署並頒布落實。
匪夷所思的是，此前一直支持封殺 TikTok 的特朗普卻改變立場，反對禁用TikTok。據美國媒體報道，特朗普「轉軚」的原因有二。第一，他認為假若法案通過，facebook 可能會借機吞併TikTok，從中獲利。特朗普堅信 facebook 母公司Meta 的行政總裁朱克伯格在2020 年大選中協助拜登贏得選舉，因此對其懷有私怨，不希望他因此獲益。
但更重要的原因是，共和黨金主傑夫．亞斯（Jeff Yass）旗下一間公司現時擁有字節跳動15% 股份，市場估值約400 億美元。由於亞斯在本屆大選中向特朗普提供了巨額的財政援助，促使特朗普的立場出現重大轉變。
In recent years, as China's information technology industry development pace accelerates, Western countries led by the United States began conjecturing that China would use online platforms for intelligence collection activities. TikTok, created and operated by ByteDance, has been accused by the US government of providing users' personal information to the Chinese government, posing a threat to US national security.
TikTok is hugely popular among young people in the US. After entering overseas markets in May 2017, it became the mobile app with the highest monthly downloads and installations in the US in just one year and five months. However, the company's astonishing business expansion speed aroused suspicion from the US government.
In late 2019, the US Navy banned the use of TikTok on government mobile devices, citing security risks posed by the app. The US Army also joined the boycott of TikTok in early 2020. At the time, the Trump administration attempted to completely ban TikTok through executive orders, but the relevant orders were ultimately overturned by the courts.
Recently, the US House of Representatives passed a bill requiring ByteDance to divest its short video sharing platform TikTok within six months, or TikTok will be banned nationwide in the US. President Biden has indicated that he will sign and enforce it if the bill passes both chambers.
Strangely, Trump, who had long supported banning TikTok, changed his stance to oppose banning it. According to US media reports, Trump "changed course" for two reasons. First, he believes if the bill passes, Facebook may take advantage to acquire TikTok and profit from it. Trump firmly believes Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg assisted Biden in winning the 2020 election, so he harbors personal resentment and does not want him to benefit from this.
But the more important reason is that a company owned by Republican megadonor Jeff Yass currently holds 15% of ByteDance shares worth an estimated $40 billion in market value. Given Yass' huge financial support for Trump in this election, it prompted a major shift in Trump's position.
2024年4月15日是《維護國家安全條例》實施後的第一個全民國家安全教育日。國務院港澳辦夏寶龍主任繼在2月完成在港的七天考察後（21-28日），今次以視像形式出席全民國安教育日開幕典禮暨主題講座，他在會上發表講話，提出香港實現由治及興的五大「需要」：
香港順利履行憲制責任完成《基本法》第23條本地立法，已為香港寫進一篇新的歷史篇章。習近平主席曾提到「『一國兩制』是個好制度，必須長期堅持」，「一國兩制」原則一直沒有改變，這制度充分證明是成功的，並為香港帶來許多優勢與紅利。國家安全是每個國家都非常重視的核心價值，保護國家安全是每個香港市民的責任。無論我們在全球哪一個地方、與哪一個國家進行商業交往、建立友誼或就業，我們都應恪守國家安全的底線。
國家著憑多年努力，創下一項又一項「不可能的任務」。正如夏寶龍主任所言：「中國的發展歷經各種困難挑戰才走到今天，過去沒有因為『中國崩潰論』而崩潰，現在也不會因為『中國見頂論』而見頂，更不會因為『產能過剩論』而停滯不前。」這句話深刻地表明國家堅韌不拔和持續進步的決心。
我們應該珍惜前人多年來為我們打下的基礎，更需要積極融入國家發展大局。前人不屈不撓的精神與努力創造了一個又一個舉世矚目的成就；好的制度更令香港成為一個擁有獨特的優勢、舉足輕重的地區。今天，後人不能再固步自封，只顧「乘涼」而不「種樹」。香港人向來以彈性、懂順勢而為聞名，我們應保持開放的心態，適應大環境下的變化，加倍努力來鞏固和發揚香港的獨特優勢，創造發展機遇。
競選資金在選舉中的作用向來舉足輕重，在美國總統大選更甚。美國總統大選的總開支近年一路飈升，由1996 年約66 億美元升至2020 年約140 億美元。而候選人的籌款能力愈強，贏面就愈高。
2020 年上屆大選，拜登破紀錄籌得超過10 億美元，而特朗普則籌得約7.7 億美元。由於特朗普在選舉衝刺階段時出現資金短缺，不得不減少在多個關鍵州份的廣告投放量，導致特朗普在上屆大選中丟掉了3 個關鍵州份，間接令他輸掉選舉。
來到今屆選舉，由於特朗普有多宗官非纏身，需要動用競選資金支付相關法律費用，導致競選團隊一度出現財政危機。早前，特朗普在紐約州的一宗民事訴訟中敗訴並被判罰款。雖然他有意提出上訴，但須先繳付高達1.75 億美元的保證金方可繼續進行訴訟。外界一度關注他有沒有足夠資金去支付天價保證金，更有傳他可能會因為無法支付保證金而被法庭拍賣旗下的名貴物業。
近日，特朗普得到一名金主慷慨解囊，在限期前支付保證金，得以繼續上訴。根據美國當地傳媒報道，該名金主是靠銷售次級汽車貸款服務（Subprime auto loan）起家的加州富豪漢基（Don Hankey）。漢基是特朗普及共和黨的忠實支持者，過往一直有向共和黨捐款。單是2016 年8 月，他就分別捐款予共和黨全國委員會（Republican National Committee） 及懷俄明州共和黨競選委員會（Republican Party of Wyoming PAC）。
雖然今次特朗普覓得金主贊助，但在籌集競選資金方面仍然落後拜登。民主黨現時已籌得超過1 億9000 萬美元，仍然領先特朗普團隊。因此，我認為特朗普團隊現時最迫切的任務是盡快確保競選資金來源，避免因「缺水」而失票。
Campaign funding has always played an important role in elections, even more so in the US presidential election. The total spending on US presidential elections has been soaring in recent years, from about $6.6 billion in 1996 to about $14 billion in 2020. And the stronger a candidate's fundraising ability, the higher the chances of winning.
In the last election in 2020, Biden broke records by raising over $1 billion, while Trump raised about $770 million. Due to a cash crunch during the final stage of the election, Trump had to reduce advertising spending in multiple key states, leading to his loss of three key states and indirectly losing the election.
In this year's election, Trump has been embroiled in multiple scandals and needs to use campaign funds to pay legal fees, resulting in a temporary financial crisis for his campaign team. Previously, Trump lost a civil lawsuit in New York and was ordered to pay fines. Although he intends to appeal, he needs to post a hefty bond of $175 million first before the lawsuit can continue. There were concerns about whether he had enough money to pay the exorbitant bond, and rumors that he may have his valuable properties auctioned off by the court if unable to pay.
Recently, Trump found a generous benefactor who paid the bond before the deadline, allowing him to continue appealing. According to local media reports, the benefactor is Don Hankey, a billionaire from California who made his fortune through subprime auto loans. Hankey is a loyal supporter of Trump and the Republican Party, having donated to them in the past. Just in August 2016, he separately donated to the Republican National Committee and the Republican Party of Wyoming PAC.
While Trump has found a sponsor this time, he is still lagging behind Biden in fundraising. The Democrats have already raised over $189 million, still leading Trump's team. Therefore, I believe the most urgent task for Trump's team now is to ensure sources of campaign funds as soon as possible to avoid losing votes due to "running out of water."
佐敦華豐大廈上周三（4月10日）發生三級嚴重火災，造成5人死亡，約40人受傷。我對事件深感痛悲痛，對於火災中失去生命的人們致以最深切的哀悼，但願逝者安息，生者平安。
今次大火，特區政府嚴肅應對，消防火速撲火，民政署開放梁顯利油麻地社區中心安置災民，警方及民政署等人員亦在大廈門口設置登記處，安排居民上樓執拾物件。保安局局長鄧炳強披上消防裝備視察火災現場，行政長官李家超亦親身前往醫院到探望傷者，惟這些都是火災發生後的善後工作。
那麼，火災發生前呢？樓宇管理和監管方面似乎未有做好。
根據報道，華豐大廈已有60年樓齡。屋宇署早在2008年已向大廈業主立案法團發出消防安全指示，要求大廈提升至符合現代要求的防火門、耐火物料圍封非緊急設施，以及提供符合耐火能力的固定窗等。十年後，屋宇署在2018年續針對樓宇的公用部分，再向大廈業主立案法團發出強制驗樓法定通知 。惟之後，署方似乎沒有積極跟進。
香港目前仍有為數不少像華豐大廈這般的高樓齡、防火設備未完善的樓宇，「三無大廈」更是高危中之高危。民政及青年事務局局長麥美娟星期六(13日)在電台節目上表示，特區政府將會協助 「三無大廈」 成立法團，相信此舉將有助盡快處理長期的樓宇管理與維修問題，提升消防安全。
樓宇安全的管理不僅要加強，改善執法和監管機制亦需完善。樓宇安全的宣傳教育不但應提高居民對應急情況的意識和應對能力，更應提高全港各區業主立案法團對大廈的安全結構意識與責任，特區政府亦應加強監管力度。
火災無情，造成的人命傷亡及財物損失不可逆轉，一宗都嫌多。社會通常是在嚴重大火發生後，才關注怎樣提高公眾防火意識，怎樣加強樓宇的防火設施等等，今次華豐大廈三級火又一次敲響消防鐘，特區政府必須加快腳步，提升樓宇防火管理。